The former prime minister, Kostas Simitis, breathed his last this Sunday morning at the age of 88. His loss plunges Greek politics into mourning, since the mark he left on the modern course of the country remains indelible.
More specifically, his funeral will take place next Thursday, at 12:00 in the Metropolis of Athens, and will take place as announced by the government at public expense, while at the same time four days of national mourning will be declared.
The course of Kostas Simitis over the decades, from his birth in 1936 to his death in 2025, can be identified with that of the modern history of the country, since he played a decisive role in shaping the course of Greece from one point to the next . In this experience-rich path, there are many moments that stand out and have been milestones of the past decades.
The conflict with Andreas Papandreou
Immediately after the electoral victory of PA.SO.K, in October 1981, with the formation of the first government, he was called by Andreas Papandreou to undertake:
Minister of Agriculture, from 1981 to 1985, where he ensured the successful integration of Greek agriculture into the European agricultural policy, as well as the multiplication of aid,
Minister of National Economy, from 1985 to 1987, where he implemented the first strict stabilization program, with a particularly positive impact on macroeconomic imbalances,
Minister of National Education and Religious Affairs during the ecumenical government, under the presidency of Professor Xenophon Zolotas (November 1989 – February 1990),
Minister of Industry, Energy and Technology and Minister of Trade at the same time, from 1993 to 1995. During this period, he set the framework for a long-term political development of the Greek economy.
His adherence to reforms often brought him into conflict with Andreas Papandreou, which led to his temporary removal from the government and earlier from positions in PASOK.
In 1979 he was forced to resign from the Executive Office after related leaks coming from Papandreou himself because of a leaflet that read the slogan “Yes to the Europe of the people”.
Two years later, in PASOK’s first victory in 1981, Kostas Simitis was not a candidate for parliament, by decision of the Central Committee and contrary to the assurances of Andreas.
Afterwards, Papandreou suggested that he participate in the European ballot. Simitis explains why he did not accept: “I was disturbed by the impression he wanted to create, that I was asking the PASOK to secure a ‘career’ for me.” I had achieved it by myself and I didn’t need any post”.
In 1987, he resigned as Minister of Economy because Papandreou overturned the economic stabilization program that Simitis requested to be implemented, as “Koutsoiorgas had convinced him that it would cost him votes in the elections”.
In 1995, Kostas Simitis resigned as Minister of Industry when he did not rule out running for the presidency of PASOK. Andreas Papandreou made statements talking about non-existent substantial work in his ministry.
The explosive conference of 1996
On January 18, 1996, after the resignation of Andreas Papandreou from the prime ministership, the Parliamentary Group of PASOK met to elect a new prime minister. In a stormy process, Kostas Simitis emerged as the new prime minister, defeating Akis Tsochatzopoulos in the second round of voting.
On June 30, 1996, a few days after the death of Andreas Papandreou, Kostas Simitis was elected president of PA.SO.K. at the 4th Congress of the party.
The 1996 Congress was, in terms of public interest, the most important of the previous ones. Mainly because there was a political stake: What policy would PASOK follow in the future? Would those who supported the change of the previous policy or the traditional cadres, the party establishment, prevail?
With the leadership of the party up in the air, Akis Tsochatzopoulos, who had been defeated in the internal party procedures for the prime ministership, re-claimed the leadership. Kostas Laliotis, at the time, had proposed “to proceed with the redemptive act for the whole of PASOK, in a duo: You, dear Kostas, as the prime minister of the country and you, dear Akis, as the president of the Movement. This is the twin”. However, Kostas Simitis was categorical: “Diarchies, or many and different languages of government and party, were unthinkable to me”, he said later in his book “Roads of Life”.
At the Congress of the Olympic Stadium, with the participation of 5,000 delegates, the atmosphere was tense. The hall was “boiling”, as PASOK was at a crossroads. Would the forces of modernization or the traditional cadres representing the party establishment prevail?
Simitis put the dilemma clearly: “If I am not elected president, I will also resign as prime minister.” With this statement, he put his political future in jeopardy, causing strong reactions, but also rallying his supporters.
In the same book, Simitis explained about those days: “A necessary step after my election as prime minister in January 1996 was my participation in the leadership of the party. If the party did not support the government policy, it would be impossible to implement it, as well as its acceptance by public opinion Andreas remained the president of the party and, together with him, all the persons who ruled in the previous years functioned as a leadership core.
This network of executives was in no way willing to lose key positions, nor to accept limitations of its power. When choosing the new government I was particularly careful. I did not listen to those who advised me to remove from the government almost everyone who belonged to the PASOK system of power until then.
My colleagues assured me that the death of Andreas had changed the situation. To state clearly the dilemma that the delegates had to answer: Did they want one and effective government, or different poles of power that would undermine each other? If they chose the first, which was also the clear solution, I was willing to continue. Otherwise, I would have submitted my resignation immediately. Hierarchies, or many different languages of government and party, were unthinkable to me.”
The Imia
Since December 25, 1996, on the occasion of a maritime accident, the crisis in Greek-Turkish relations had begun to develop.
On Monday, January 29, Ankara declared that the Imia belonged to Turkey and a Turkish frigate approached the islets. “On Tuesday 30.1 in the morning, I convene the members of the Government Committee responsible for the matter (…) On the same day, the EYP informs the General Directorate of Public Security that a signal was detected from a Turkish source to a Turkish ship in the area with an instruction to photograph and if videotape an islet of Imia. It is about the one that will then be occupied by the Turks.”
On Tuesday afternoon, the debate on the programmatic statements of the government continues in Parliament, the information says that the Turkish fleet has left the Dardanelles, and Bill Clinton calls the Greek Prime Minister. “President Clinton informs me that he is concerned that the Imia crisis may lead to a heated episode between the two countries and advises that we take the necessary steps to avoid a military conflict. From our conversation I formed the impression that his information was incomplete (…) I answered him that Imia belong to Greece” Kostas Simitis had stated.
After the end of the parliamentary debate, a second meeting of the Government Committee was held. The head of GEETHA, Mr. Lymberis has spread the cards on the table and claims that Greece has “the greatest power” there and that Turkey is making tactical moves. Simitis asked Lymberis if the second rock island is guarded, “he answered me without hesitation that of course it is guarded.” “We all agree that we must turn to the US, because it is the only country that can decisively influence the Turkish attitude. Theodoros Pangalos undertook to speak with Holbrooke when Ankara announced that Turkish commandos had captured one of the two islets. Lymberis denied it, but the Americans confirmed it. US assistance was requested for disengagement. Much later, Simitis was informed about the fall of the helicopter and its three dead members.
On Wednesday, he briefed Parliament and thanked the Americans for their contribution, provoking a storm of reactions even from a section of PASOK that questioned the government’s ability to handle national issues.
Entry into the euro
On June 19, 2000, at the European Council of Santa Maria da Feira, it was decided to adopt the European currency Euro by Greece.
Costas Simitis, in the second period of his prime ministership (2000-2003), was also the first years of Greece in the euro. On 1 January 2002, euro banknotes and coins went into circulation at the same time as the other 11 countries.
The benefits of joining the euro were felt in those first years. Investments for the preparation of the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens also played an important role. Joining the euro brought, together with the new currency, increased credibility but also significant restrictions on the country’s macroeconomic policy. Monetary policy is now the sole responsibility of the ECB. Fiscal policy had to respect the commitments of the Stability Pact for low fiscal deficits and decreasing public debt.
The late President of PASOK and Prime Minister was called many times after his withdrawal from political affairs to answer a question: “Was Greece ready for the Euro?”.
In his book “The derailment” (published by Polis, 2012), he specifically mentions:
“Since the mid-1990s, Greece has made a titanic effort to meet the convergence criteria. He used all the gifts available: fiscal policy, monetary policy, income policy, privatization of banks and public enterprises. Regardless of how fiscal performance is measured (fiscal or national accounting), the government deficit decreased by ten percentage points, from 12.5% of GDP in 1993, to 2.5% in 1999, a year whose economic data the decision to join Greece in the eurozone was made.
The other figures that make up the nominal convergence criteria (inflation, long-term interest rates, public debt, exchange rate) had a similar positive development. The decision of accession by the European Council of Santa Maria de Feira in June 2000 was taken after a thorough examination of the performance of the Greek economy by the European Commission, the European Central Bank, the Economic and Financial Committee and their respective opinions.
Source: www.diaforetiko.gr
